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明星资讯腾讯娱乐2017年10月24日 08:21:45
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We take a lot of things for granted in the modern world. Fiber optic cables deliver en#173;ormous amounts of information at nearly the speed of light. You can hop into your car and shout your destination at your GPS navigation system, and a digitized and disembodied voice issues easy-to-follow directions. We have it pretty sweet here in the 21st century.是否有了像GPS导航这样的发明,我们就忘记了古代文明的价值?要知道,正是这些文明,为我们今天的一切奠定了基石。我们对当今世界的很多技术都已经习以为常。光纤电缆以近乎光速的速度传输着海量信息;你进入驾驶室,对着GPS导航仪说出你的目的地,就会有数字化模拟人声简单明了地给你指明路线...21世纪的生活真是让我们尝遍了甜头。As time marches on, it becomes easier to overlook the contributions of those who came before us. Even in the 19th century, Charles Duell, patent commissioner of the ed States, reportedly remarked that everything that can be invented aly has been invented.随着时间流逝,我们越来越容易忽略前人所做的贡献。据报道,早在19世纪,美国专利局的专员查尔斯·迪尤尔(Charles Duell)就声称;所有能发明的东西,都已经发明出来了。;Clearly, if Duell said such a thing, he was way off. The 20th and 21st centuries have seen enormous booms in ingenuity. However, his alleged words also reveal an understanding that seems to have been lost. He understood that humans have experienced flashes of brilliance and made discoveries throughout history. He also understood that these advances have so greatly accelerated human progress that everything following them seems to be built on the foundation provided by these early inventions.如果迪尤尔当时确实说过这话,那他显然错的很离谱,因为在20世纪和21世纪,人类创造力空前繁荣,发明出了许许多多精妙的东西。然而,迪尤尔的这句话却反映了一种似乎已被人们忘却的认识:他深知纵观历史长河,人类已经历了一段辉煌时期并创造出许多伟大的发明;他更明白正是这些发明极大程度地推动了人类的进步,并为之后的一切科技发展奠定了坚实的基础。但是人们似乎已经把这些前人的贡献抛诸脑后了。Perhaps no other ancient culture has contributed more to this advancement of human progress than the Chinese. Here are ten of the greatest inventions of the ancient nation, in no particular order.说到为人类进步所做的贡献,大概没有哪种古老的文明能与古代中国相比。下面就是这个古老国度的十项伟大发明,排名不分先后。10.Gunpowder10.火药We#39;ll begin with arguably the most famous ancient Chinese invention. Legend has it that gunpowder was accidentally discovered by alchemists looking for a concoction that would create immortality in humans. Ironically, what these ancient chemists stumbled upon was an invention that could easily take human life.Early gunpowder was made of a mixture of potassium nitrate (saltpeter), charcoal and sulfur, and it was first described in 1044 in the Collection of the Most Important Military Techniques, compiled by Zeng Goliang. It#39;s assumed the discovery of gunpowder occurred sometime earlier, since Zeng describes three different gunpowder mixtures and the Chinese used it for signal flares and fireworks before appropriating it for military use in rudimentary grenades.Over time, we realized that metals added to the mixture created brilliant colors in gunpowder explosions and -- kaboom! -- modern fireworks displays were born. It also makes a handy explosive for projectiles like bullets.首先说到的火药,应该是中国古代发明中最杰出的一项了。传说火药是炼金术士在炼制长生不老丹药的过程中偶然发明的。然而很讽刺的是,这一发明不仅不能让人长生不老,却能轻易地取人性命。早期的火药是由硝酸钾(硝石)、木炭和硫磺混合而成的,最早记载于1044年曾公亮主编的《武经总要》一书中。此书中记录了三种火药,早在将火药用于军事用途、制作简易手榴弹之前,中国人已经用其来制作信号弹和鞭炮,由此可推断火药的发明时间应该还要更早。随后,人们发现在火药中加入一些金属元素可以使其爆炸时呈现出缤纷的色,于是,嘭!嘭!嘭!现代烟花表演诞生了。除此之外,火药的发明还催生了子弹之类的便携式弹药。9.The Compass9.指南针Where would we be without the compass? We#39;d be lost, that#39;s where. Those of us who hike in the woods or fly various aircraft have the Chinese to thank for guiding us home safely.Originally, the Chinese created their compasses to point to true south. This was because they considered south, not north, their cardinal direction. The earliest compasses were created in the fourth century B.C. and were made of lodestone.The mere existence of lodestone is the result of a bit of luck. Lodestone is a type of magnetite (a magnetic iron ore) that becomes highly magnetized when struck by lightning. The result is a mineral that#39;s magnetized toward both the north and south poles. We#39;re not certain precisely who came up with the clever idea of discerning direction using lodestone, but archaeological evidence shows the Chinese fashioned ladles that balanced on a divining board; the ladles would point the direction to inner harmony for ancient Chinese soothsayers.如果没有指南针,我们会在哪里呢?应该已经迷路,不知身在何处了吧!在森林中远足的背包客,还有穿梭在各航班之间的空中飞人,真要好好感谢古代的中国人,他们发明的指南针,指引着大家平安回家。中国人发明指南针的初衷在于让它指向正南,因为他们认为主位是正南,而不是正北。最早的指南针出现在公元前4世纪,由天然磁石磨制而成。天然磁石的存在委实是上天的眷顾。天然磁石是一种被雷电击中之后高度磁化的磁铁矿石(带有磁性的铁矿石),可以自然指向南北两极。是谁这么聪明,想出用天然磁石来辨别方向的主意,我们已不得而知,但据考古学资料显示,是古代中国人发明了杓,并使其能在占卜盘上平稳转动;而杓也为中国古代的占卜者们指明了方向,助其走向内心的和谐与安宁。8.Paper8.纸It#39;s not entirely clear who first came up with the notion to convert thoughts into a written language. There was a horse race between the Sumerians in Mesopotamia, the Harappa in present day Pakistan and the Kemites in Egypt to be the first to formulate a written language. We do know that the first languages appear to have emerged around 5,000 years ago. One can even make the case that it dates back earlier -- that is, if one included artistic expressions like cave paintings as a form of written language. Once language began to develop, though, humans wrote on anything that would lay still long enough. Clay tablets, bamboo, papyrus and stone were only a few of the earliest writing surfaces.Things changed once the Chinese -- specifically, a man named Cai Lun -- invented the prototype for modern paper. Before Cai#39;s breakthrough, the Chinese wrote on thin strips of bamboo and lengths of silk, but in A.D. 105, he created a mixture of wood fibers and water and pressed it onto a woven cloth. The weave in the cloth allowed the moisture in the pulpy mixture to seep out, resulting in a rough paper. Exactly what Cai wrote on his first piece of paper is unknown.是谁首先想到用文字表达想法的主意,到现在我们还没完全搞清。“世界上最早的文字创造者”这一殊荣到底花落谁家,由美索不达米亚平原(Mesopotamia)的苏美尔人(Sumerians)、位于今巴基斯坦(Pakistan)境内的哈拉帕人(Harappa)以及古埃及的科密特人(Kemites)进行激烈的角逐。我们知道语言文字的首次出现大约是在5000年前,但如果你把类似于洞窟壁画这样的艺术表现形式也纳入文字范畴的话,“文字”的出现就可以追溯到更早的时期。然而一旦文字开始发展,人们便开始在任何东西上书写,只要它们铺起来足够长。泥板,竹简,纸莎草和石头仅仅是早期文字载体中的几种。自从中国人——特别是一个叫蔡伦的男子——发明了现代纸张的雏形,一切都开始改变了。在蔡伦的开创性发明之前,中国人在薄薄的竹简和长长的丝帛上写字。但是到了公元105年,蔡伦发明了一种木纤维和水的混合物,并将其按压在织布上,稀浆混合物中的水汽会透过织布渗出,然后一张粗糙的纸就制作完成了。但蔡伦到底在他发明的第一张纸上写了什么,这依旧悬而未知。审校:落月 listen 来源:前十网 /201507/384451The visit to the doctor拜访医师A Man asked his doctor if he thought he#39;d live to be a hundred .一个男人问他的医师是否认为他会活到一百岁。The doctor asked the man ,;Do you smoke or drink ?;医师问这个男人:“你抽烟或喝酒吗?”; No ,;he replied , ;I have never done either .;他回答说:“不,我从不抽烟喝酒。”; Do you gamble,drive fast cars ,and fool around with woman?; inquired the doctor .医师问说:“你、开快车、玩女人吗?”;No,I have done any of those things either.;“不,我也从不干那些事情。”;Well then,; said the doctor ,; what do you want to live to be a hundred for?;医师说:“那你干吗要活到一百岁呀?” /201503/361445

WHEN our family moved from the West Village to the Upper East Side in 2004, seeking proximity to Central Park, my in-laws and a good public school, I thought it unlikely that the neighborhood would hold any big surprises. For many years I had immersed myself — through interviews, reviews of the anthropological literature and participant-observation — in the lives of women from the Amazon basin to sororities at a Big Ten school. I thought I knew from foreign.2004年,为了离中央公园、亲戚和一所出色的公立学校近一些,我们全家从西村搬到上东区。当时,我以为这个社区不太可能有让人大吃一惊的地方。在那之前的很多年里,通过采访、梳理人类学著作和参与观察的方式,我一直沉浸在对从亚马孙流域到顶级名校女生联谊会的女性生活的研究之中。我以为自己虽置身其外却知之甚多。Then I met the women I came to call the Glam SAHMs, for glamorous stay-at-home-moms, of my new habitat. My culture shock was immediate and comprehensive. In a country where women now outpace men in college completion, continue to increase their participation in the labor force and make gains toward equal pay, it was a shock to discover that the most elite stratum of all is a glittering, moneyed backwater.然后,我就在新搬去的地方遇到了光鲜的居家妈妈们。我后来简称她们为Glam SAHM。我遭遇的文化冲击十分直接,并且是全方位的。在一个女性的高校毕业人数超过了男性、在劳动力市场中的参与度持续提高、在同工同酬方面也在取得进步的国家里,发现最精英的阶层是一潭闪闪发光的富贵死水,实在是令人震惊。A social researcher works where she lands and resists the notion that any group is inherently more or less worthy of study than another. I stuck to the facts. The women I met, mainly at playgrounds, play groups and the nursery schools where I took my sons, were mostly 30-somethings with advanced degrees from prestigious universities and business schools. They were married to rich, powerful men, many of whom ran hedge or private equity funds; they often had three or four children under the age of 10; they lived west of Lexington Avenue, north of 63rd Street and south of 94th Street; and they did not work outside the home.社会科学领域的研究人员到哪里都可以做研究,不应抱有某个群体天生就更值得研究,或更不值得研究的观念。我坚持从事实出发。那些女性主要是我在带儿子去游乐场、孩童活动小组和幼儿园时遇到的。她们大都30多岁,有名牌大学和商学院的高等学位。她们的丈夫有钱有势,很多是做对冲或私募基金的。她们往往有三四个不到10岁的孩子,住在列克星敦大道以西、63街以北和94街以南,并且不外出工作。Instead they toiled in what the sociologist Sharon Hays calls “intensive mothering,” exhaustively enriching their children’s lives by virtually every measure, then advocating for them anxiously and sometimes ruthlessly in the linked high-stakes games of social jockeying and school admissions.她们辛辛苦苦从事的,是社会学家莎伦·海斯(Sharon Hays)所说的“高强度地养育孩子”。她们用尽一切办法来丰富孩子的生活,再焦虑地,有时甚至是不择手段地在社交竞争和学校录取这些相互联系的高赌注游戏中为他们呐喊助威。Their self-care was no less zealous or competitive. No ponytails or mom jeans here: they exercised themselves to a razor’s edge, wore expensive and exquisite outfits to school drop-off and looked a decade younger than they were. Many ran their homes (plural) like C.E.O.s.她们关注自身形象的热情丝毫不逊于此,彼此之间在这方面的竞争也绝不含糊。这里不会出现马尾辫或妈妈裤:她们会锻炼出一副刀锋般的身姿,穿着价格不菲的精美套装送孩子去学校,看上去比实际年龄年轻十岁。其中很多人都像首席执行官那样打理自家的多处房产。It didn’t take long for me to realize that my background in anthropology might help me figure it all out, and that this elite tribe and its practices made for a fascinating story.没用多久,我就意识到,自己的人类学背景可能有助于弄清楚这一切。这个精英群体和其中的行为可以成就一个令人着迷的故事。I was never undercover; I told the women I spent time with that I was writing a book about being a mother on the Upper East Side, and many of them were eager to share their perspectives on what one described as “our in many ways very weird world.”我从不偷偷摸摸的,会在见面时对她们说,自己正在写一本书,关于在上东区为人母的故事。她们中的很多人迫切地想和我分享自身对“我们这个从很多方面来看非常奇怪的世界”的观点。这是其中一个人的原话。It was easy for me to fall into the belief, as I lived and lunched and mothered with more than 100 of them for the better part of six years, that all these wealthy, competent and beautiful women, many with irony, intelligence and a sense of humor about their tribalism (“We are freaks for Flywheel,” one told me, referring to the indoor cycling gym), were powerful as well. But as my inner anthropologist quickly realized, there was the undeniable fact of their cloistering from men. There were alcohol-fueled girls’ nights out, and women-only luncheons and trunk shows and “shopping for a cause” events. There were mommy coffees, and women-only dinners in lavish homes. There were even some girlfriend-only flyaway parties on private planes, where everyone packed and wore outfits the same color.在六年的大部分时间里,我和她们中的逾百人生活在同一片地方,一起吃午饭,一起养育孩子。她们富有、能干、美丽,其中的很多人善于讽刺、充满睿智,对这个群体的生活方式抱有一种幽默感(“我们是飞轮[Flywheel]的一群怪物,”其中一人对我说。她指的是一家室内骑车健身馆)。这让我很容易以为,她们同样也是强大的。然而,我内心深处的那个人类学研究者很快意识到一个无可争辩的事实,那就是她们与男性隔绝。她们会组织出去喝一杯的女孩之夜活动、仅限女性参与的午宴、内部装秀和“你买我捐”活动。还有妈咪咖啡聚会和豪宅里仅限女性出席的晚宴。甚至还有在私人飞机上举行的仅面向女性友人的空中聚会,每个人带的和身上穿的衣要是同一种颜色。“It’s easier and more fun,” the women insisted when I asked about the sex segregation that defined their lives.“这样更简单,更好玩,”当我问到界定她们生活的性别隔离时,那些女性坚持这么说。“We prefer it,” the men told me at a dinner party where husbands and wives sat at entirely different tables in entirely different rooms.“我们更喜欢这样,”那些男性在一次晚宴上告诉我。当时,他们和妻子分别坐在不同房间的不同桌。Sex segregation, I was told, was a “choice.” But like “choosing” not to work, or a Dogon woman in Mali’s “choosing” to go into a menstrual hut, it struck me as a state of affairs possibly giving clue to some deeper, meaningful reality while masquerading, like a reveler at the Save Venice ball the women attended every spring, as a simple preference.有人告诉我,性别隔离是一种“选择”。但是,与“选择”不工作,或者马里的多贡女性“选择”月经期间关在小屋里一样,在我看来,这是一种状态,可能会在简单偏好的伪装之下,揭露某种更深层的、意味深长的现实。这样的伪装,就好比是这些女性每年春天都会参加的“拯救”舞会上的狂欢者戴的面具。And then there were the wife bonuses.然后,还有贤妻奖金的事情。I was thunderstruck when I heard mention of a “bonus” over coffee. Later I overheard someone who didn’t work say she would buy a table at an event once her bonus was set. A woman with a business degree but no job mentioned waiting for her “year-end” to shop for clothing. Further probing revealed that the annual wife bonus was not an uncommon practice in this tribe.在和她们喝咖啡时,我听人提到“奖金”二字,吓了一跳。后来,我又在无意间听到有名不工作的女士说,一旦奖金到位,她就要包下某次活动的一张桌子。另一名拥有商务学位但没有工作的女性提到,她在等待拿自己的“年终奖”去买衣。进一步的探索揭示出,在这个群体中,年度贤妻奖金并不是一种罕见的做法。A wife bonus, I was told, might be hammered out in a pre-nup or post-nup, and distributed on the basis of not only how well her husband’s fund had done but her own performance — how well she managed the home budget, whether the kids got into a “good” school — the same way their husbands were rewarded at investment banks. In turn these bonuses were a ticket to a modicum of financial independence and participation in a social sphere where you don’t just go to lunch, you buy a ,000 table at the benefit luncheon a friend is hosting.有人告诉我,人们可能会在婚前或婚后协议中拟定贤妻奖金的条款,而分发的依据不仅是丈夫打理基金的状况,还有妻子自己的表现,比如她对家庭预算管理得如何,孩子们是否上了“好”学校。这种方式,与丈夫在投行获取奖励的方式如出一辙。然后,凭借这些奖金,妻子能享受到有限的财务独立,跻身一个社交圈——在这个圈子里,你不仅仅是去吃午餐,而是要在朋友举办的慈善午宴上花1万美元(约合6.2万元人民币)包下一张桌子。Women who didn’t get them joked about possible sexual performance metrics. Women who received them usually retreated, demurring when pressed to discuss it further, proof to an anthropologist that a topic is taboo, culturally loaded and dense with meaning.那些没拿到奖金的女性,会用可能存在性表现指标开玩笑。拿到奖金的女性则往往会回避,如果听到了进一步谈论此事的要求,她们就会抗议。在一名人类学研究者看来,这明某个话题属于禁忌,充满文化内涵且含义丰富。But what exactly did the wife bonus mean? It made sense only in the context of the rigidly gendered social lives of the women I studied. The worldwide ethnographic data is clear: The more stratified and hierarchical the society, and the more sex segregated, the lower the status of women.不过,贤妻奖金究竟意味着什么?只有从我研究过的那些女性严格按照性别划分的社交活动来看,它才说得通。世界范围内的人种学数据很明确:社会层级和等级越明显,性别隔离越严格,女性的地位就越低。Financially successful men in Manhattan sit on major boards — of hospitals, universities and high-profile diseases, boards whose members must raise or give 0,000 and more. The wives I observed are usually on lesser boards, women’s committees and museums in the outer boroughs with annual expectations of ,000 or ,000. Husbands are trustees of prestigious private schools, where they accrue the cultural capital that comes with being able to vouch for others in the admissions game; their wives are “class moms,” the unremunerated social and communications hub for all the other mothers.在曼哈顿,经济富裕的男性是一些大型董事会的成员——其中包括医院、大学和备受关注的疾病。这些董事都必须筹集或捐出至少15万美元的资金。据我观察,他们的妻子通常会在的次要董事会、女性委员会和物馆任职,每年的预期金额为5000或1万美元。丈夫是著名私立学校的校董,并在那里积累文化资本,从而能够在招生游戏中为其他人作担保;他们的妻子则是“超级妈妈”,是其他所有母亲社交和交流活动的不计回报的核心。WHILE their husbands make millions, the privileged women with kids who I met tend to give away the skills they honed in graduate school and their professions — organizing galas, editing newsletters, running the library and bake sales — free of charge. A woman’s participation in Mommynomics is a way to be helpful, even indispensable. It is also an act of extravagance, a brag: “I used to work, I can, but I don’t need to.”尽管丈夫挣的钱数成百上千万,但我遇到的这些带小孩的上层女性,倾向于免费提供她们在研究生院和工作中磨练的技能——组织大型集会、编辑通讯稿件、管理图书馆和举办糕饼义卖活动。女性对“妈妈经济学”的参与是一种让自己有用乃至必不可少的方式。这也是一项奢侈之举,一种吹嘘炫耀:“我工作过,我有能力工作,但我不必工作。”Anthropology teaches us to take the long and comparative view of situations that may seem obvious. Among primates, Homo sapiens practice the most intensive food and resource sharing, and females may depend entirely on males for shelter and sustenance. Female birds and chimps never stop searching out food to provide for themselves and their young. Whether they are Hadza women who spend almost as much time as men foraging for food, Agta women of the Philippines participating in the hunt or !Kung women of southern Africa foraging for the tubers and roots that can tide a band over when there is no meat from a hunt, women who contribute to the group or family’s well-being are empowered relative to those in societies where women do not. As in the Kalahari Desert and rain forest, resources are the bottom line on the Upper East Side. If you don’t bring home tubers and roots, your power is diminished in your marriage. And in the world.人类学教育我们,要以一种长期的、带有比较性的视角来看待那些看似显而易见的情形。在灵长目动物中,智人会进行程度最大的粮食和资源分享,而在住所和食物方面,雌性智人或许会完全依赖雄性。为了养活自己和孩子,雌鸟和母黑猩猩从不会停止对食物的搜寻。不论是几乎与男性花同样多的时间来搜寻食物的哈扎部落女性,或是参与狩猎的菲律宾阿埃塔女性,还是当狩猎无果时,通过寻找块茎和根茎来帮家人渡过难关的非洲南部的昆族女性,与那些不为群体或家庭的福祉做贡献的那些族群的女性相比,她们享有更大的权力。正如在卡拉哈里沙漠和雨林中那样,资源是上东区的关键。如果你不带块茎和根茎回家,那么在婚姻中,你的权力就会被削弱。在外面的世界里也是如此。Rich, powerful men may speak the language of partnership in the absence of true economic parity in a marriage, and act like true partners, and many do. But under this arrangement women are still dependent on their men — a husband may simply ignore his commitment to an abstract idea at any time. He may give you a bonus, or not. Access to your husband’s money might feel good. But it can’t buy you the power you get by being the one who earns, hunts or gathers it.有钱有势的男人,在婚姻缺乏真正的经济平等时,或许仍能以伙伴的姿态说话,而且行动上也像真正的伴侣。的确有不少人是这样的。然而,在这种安排之下,女性仍然依附于她们的男人——丈夫可以随时将他的承诺化为一个抽象的概念。他可以为你提供奖金,也可以不给。能用丈夫的钱,感觉或许不错。但是,它无法给你带来通过成为那个挣钱、打猎或采集的人而能获得的权力。The wives of the masters of the universe, I learned, are a lot like mistresses — dependent and comparatively disempowered. Just sensing the disequilibrium, the abyss that separates her version of power from her man’s, might keep a thinking woman up at night.我了解到,那些大权在握者的妻子,与情妇非常相似——她们依赖别人,相对而言,也没有什么权力。单是感受这种不平衡,那道把妻子手中的权力与丈夫掌握的权力分隔开来的鸿沟,或许就会让一名有思想的女性彻夜不眠。 /201505/377132

  

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  As 2014 draws to a close, it’s time to look back and see which words have been significant throughout the past twelve months, and to announce the Oxford Dictionaries Word of the Year. Without further ado, we can exclusively reveal that the Oxford Dictionaries Word of the Year 2014 is….站在2014的尾巴上,是时候回顾一下在过去的12个月里最有影响力的单词,宣布其为年度牛津词典词王。我们可以当即宣布2014年度牛津词典单词仅属于……Vape吸电子烟Although there is a shortlist of strong contenders, it was vape that emerged victorious as Word of the Year.虽然有力的竞争者有一大单,年度单词的胜利还是归属于‘vape(吸电子烟)’。What does vape mean?Vape是什么意思?So, what does vape mean? It originated as an abbreviation of vapour or vaporize. The OxfordDictionaries.com definition was added in August 2014: the verb means ‘to inhale and exhale the vapour produced by an electronic cigarette or similar device’, while both the device and the action can also be known as a vape. The associated noun vaping is also listed.那么,vape是啥意思呢?它源于vapour(蒸汽)或vaporizer(蒸发)的缩写。其释义于2014年8月录入牛津词典网:动词的意思为“吸入或呼出电子烟亦或相似装置的蒸汽”,且装置和吸呼的动作也可被称作“vape”。相关名词vaping也被提名了。Why was vape chosen?为什么选择vape?As e-cigarettes (or e-cigs) have become much more common, so vape has grown significantly in popularity. You are thirty times more likely to come across the word vape than you were two years ago, and usage has more than doubled in the past year.随着电子烟(简写为e-cigs)越来越普及,吸电子烟也被变得越来越大众。你发现vape这个单词出现的频率比两年前高出30倍,也比去年用的频率翻了一倍。Usage of vape peaked in April 2014 – as the graph below indicates – around the time that the UK’s first ‘vape café’ (The Vape Lab in Shoreditch, London) opened its doors, and protests were held in response to New York City banning indoor vaping. In the same month, the issue of vaping was debated by The Washington Post, the B, and the British newspaper The Telegraph, amongst others.如下图显示,Vape的使用频率到2014年4月到达顶峰。英国的第一家”吸电子烟咖啡厅”(位于伦敦肖迪奇的“吸电子烟实验室”)在此时开张,针对纽约禁止室内抽电子烟的抗议也被发起。在同月,吸电子烟的问题被华盛顿邮报、B和英国电讯报及其他媒体争相讨论。The language of vapingvaping的语言Vape is also the modifier for other nouns, creating new compound nouns which are growing in popularity. The most common of these are vape pen and vape shop, and there is also recent evidence for vape lounge, vape fluid, vape juice, and others. Related coinages include e-juice, carto, and vaporium – as well as the retronym tobacco cigarette for traditional cigarettes. (A retronym is a new term created from an existing word in order to distinguish the original word from a later development – for example, acoustic guitar developing after the advent of the electric guitar.)Vape也是其他名词的修饰语,创建了越来越多的新流行的复合名词。其中最常见的是vape pen(钢笔改装的电子烟)和vape shop(电子烟商店),也有最近流行的vape lounge, vape fluid, vape juice等等。相关的新词汇包括e-juice, carto,和vaporium,还有传统香烟的返璞词烟草香烟。(返璞词就是从一个已有的词中创出一个新词,这是为了将原始词和随后的变形区分开来——举个例子,电子吉他出现后有了原声吉他。)Vape before vaping在vaping前的vapeYou may be surprised to learn that the word vaping existed before the phenomenon. Although e-cigarettes weren’t commercially available until the 21st century, a 1983 article in New Society entitled ‘Why do People Smoke?’ contains the first known usage of the term. The author, Rob Stepney, described what was then a hypothetical device:你会惊奇的发现单词vaping在此现象出现前已经存在了。虽然直到21世纪电子烟才能在市场上买到,在1983年,《新社会》上一篇题为“人们为何抽烟?”的文章第一次用到了这个单词。作者罗伯·斯特普尼解释了这个假想装置:“an inhaler or ‘non-combustible’ cigarette, looking much like the real thing, but…delivering a metered dose of nicotine vapour. (The new habit, if it catches on, would be known as vaping.)”“一只吸入器或者说“不可燃烟”看上去和真货没差,但是……输出了一定剂量的尼古丁蒸汽。(这个新嗜好,如果流行起来,就会被称为vaping。)”However, despite these early beginnings, Oxford Dictionaries research shows that it wasn’t until 2009 that this sense of vape (and vaping) started to appear regularly in mainstream sources.然而,尽管这个嗜好很早就有了,牛津词典调查研究显示直到2009年vape(和vaping)这个词才固定的出现在主流媒体中。 /201411/343964

  It is not unusual to feel homesick while working abroad but when Jér#244;me Spitzer began to pine for the classic bistro fare he loved as a boy in Paris, he resisted hopping on to the next flight to Charles de Gaulle airport and took action.在国外工作时想念家乡并不罕见,但当杰罗姆#8226;斯皮策(Jér#244;me Spitzer)开始想念他小时候在巴黎钟爱的那种经典小馆菜肴时,他顶住了诱惑,没有登上下一班飞往戴高乐机场的航班,而是行动了起来。The 25-year-old, who had arrived in Hong Kong 18 months earlier to work for a Spanish importer, found a kindred spirit in another French expatriate. Undaunted by the unfolding global financial crisis, the pair trawled the streets of Central, Hong Kong’s glitzy entertainment district, searching for small premises suitable for a traditional French-style bistro.18个月前,这位25岁的年轻人来到香港为一家西班牙进口商工作,他发现一位与他志趣相投的法国同胞。二人不惧全球金融危机蔓延的影响,在香港华丽耀眼的区中环地区的街道上,寻找适合开设传统法式小馆的小店面。The result was Pastis, which opened in 2009.结果是Pastis在2009年开门迎宾。Five years later they have six establishments dotted around Hong Kong Island, each styled to evoke a particular type of French brasserie. Step into Saint-Germain and you could be in an elegant café on Paris’s Left Bank, while Metropolitain in the upcoming Sai Ying Pun neighbourhood evokes an artsy Montmartre atmosphere.5年后,他们已在香港岛上拥了有6家门店,每家都透露出独特的法国小馆风格。步入Saint-Germain,仿佛置身于巴黎左岸一个优雅的咖啡馆,而西营盘高街地区的Metropolitain则焕发出一种蒙马特艺术气息。Today Mr Spitzer reflects on his decision to go into business, describing it as “a very selfish move, as much as for us as for the French community”.如今,斯皮策在回想他从商的决定时,把它称为“一种非常利己的举动,既为了我们自己,也为了法国人群体”。Hong Kong has long been home to French bankers and civil engineers, but Mr Spitzer exemplifies a new breed of French expatriate that has emerged in the territory in recent years: the petit entrepreneur.长期以来,很多法国家和土木工程师不断来到香港,但斯皮策是最近几年在香港新出现的一类典型法国人:小企业主。Five years ago small- and medium-sized businesses made up about 40 per cent of the businesses registered with the French chamber of commerce in Hong Kong; today this proportion has risen to 50 per cent.5年前,中小型企业占香港法国工商总会注册企业总数的40%左右:如今这一比例已升至50%。“French businesses in the city are really a snapshot of Hong Kong’s gross domestic product”, says Orianne Chenain, executive director of the French chamber of commerce. Expatriates have started businesses in all sorts of sectors, including retail, construction and hospitality.法国工商总会执行董事奥里亚纳#8226;舍南(Orianne Chenain)表示:“在港法国企业确实为香港的地区生产总值(GDP)做出了广泛贡献”。在香港的法国人在零售、建筑和餐饮等各行各业开办了企业。There are a number of factors propelling this trend: the perceived ease of doing business compared to France, the appeal of French products to native Hong Kongers and expatriates alike as well as the growing French community itself, which reinforces the demand for homegrown goods and services.推动这一趋势的因素很多:据认为香港具备比法国更明显的经商便利性,同时法国产品吸引着香港本地人和外籍人士以及不断壮大的法国人群体,这些促进了对法国国产商品和务的需求。More than 11,100 French citizens registered at the French Consulate in Hong Kong last year, almost double the 6,236 who did so in 2007, fuelled by the desire to seek opportunities away from their homeland. However officials estimate the real number is far higher – around 17,000.去年,在法国驻香港总领事馆注册的法国公民超过了1.11万,几乎是2007年(6236人)的两倍,这得益于法国人希望在本国以外寻找机会。然而,官员们估计,实际数字要高的多,大约为1.7万人。The French entrepreneurs believe setting up a business in Hong Kong is easier than it would be back home, given the relative lack of bureaucracy and low start-up costs. “The legal environment in France is perceived by French entrepreneurs as being more constrained,” says Ms Chenain.法国创业者认为,香港官僚作风相对较少且创业成本较低,因而在香港创业要比在法国容易。舍南表示:“法国创业者认为,法国的法律环境限制更多。”Mr Spitzer estimates that, had he set up a similar bistro in France, the cost would have been two to three times as great in Hong Kong.斯皮策估计,如果他在法国开一家类似的小餐馆,成本将是香港的两到三倍。“Hong Kong gave us the will to start as entrepreneurs and also the idea to set up our own company,” he says. “When we first came to Hong Kong we were not expecting to do something so fast.”“香港让我们有了创业的意愿,还赋予了我们创建自己公司的想法,”他表示,“当我们初到香港时,我们没有料到事情会进展这么快。”Rents are higher in Hong Kong, he notes, but the costs of doing business are mitigated by lower tax and longer opening hours.他指出,香港的租金较高,但较低的税率以及较长的营业时间,都降低了经商成本。Anthony Rendall, a French expatriate, swapped a life penning travel guides for French publisher Gallimard to launch a business importing French wine for the Hong Kong market. He says that the time and paperwork needed to register a business is far less.法国人安东尼#8226;伦德尔(Anthony Rendall)原来的工作是为法国出版社Gallimard撰写旅行指南,如今他开设了一家公司,为香港市场进口法国红酒。他表示,注册企业所需时间和填表申请工作比法国要少得多。“Within two days and for HK0 (#163;12) I had a limited company, a bank account and was set for business,” he says. “Everything was made so simple from the first day.”“我用两天不到的时间花150港元(合12英镑)就拥有了一家有限公司、一个账户,可以开业了,”他表示,“从第一天起,一切都是如此简单。”The perception of the French lifestyle as the epitome of style by Hong Kong Chinese and tourists from mainland China is a large part of the reason why French consumer and leisure businesses are proliferating in Hong Kong.香港华人和来自中国内地的游客将法国生活方式视为风尚的典范,这是法国消费和休闲企业在香港不断增多的一个很重要的原因。Mr Rendall, who retained a deep affection for Hong Kong after being brought up there, spotted a gap in the market for selling good quality, affordable French wine.伦德尔在香港长大,对香港有着很深的感情,他发现香港在质量上乘的平价法国红酒销售市场存在一个空白。“Most of the upper tier wines are very expensive and of the middle range wines very little is available, and they are mostly New World wines,” he says. “If you want to buy something good the price is HK0, in France the prices are a third of that.”“多数高档红酒价格非常昂贵,而市场上中档红酒非常少,多数是新世界葡萄酒(New World,指除欧洲以外产区的葡萄酒),”他表示,“如果你想买一些不错的红酒,价格在300港元,而在法国,价格只有香港的三分之一。”In May, together with his sister, a wine critic, he launched the business and also began hosting wine-tasting sessions aboard a traditional junk boat, a type of outing perennially popular with expats.今年5月,他与身为酒评家的开了这家公司,还开始在一艘传统的仿古船上开设品酒会,这种出游方式在香港外籍人士中一直很受欢迎。“A junk is part of the Hong Kong lifestyle and part of the French lifestyle was missing,” he says.他表示:“仿古船是香港生活方式的一部分,法国的部分生活方式正在消失。”Contrasting his childhood memories of a virtually empty French school during the seventies to the present day, he believes the swelling community in itself encourages more to follow in their footsteps.在他儿时的回忆中,上世纪70年代的法国学校几乎空无一人,这与现在形成对比,他认为,这个不断壮大的群体正鼓励更多人追随他们的步伐。Arnault Castel, who owns several stores selling brands including French fashion houses Carven and Kenzo, says he is “happily the victim of a stereotype.”阿尔诺#8226;卡斯特尔(Arnault Castel)拥有几家门店,销售包括法国时装品牌Carven和Kenzo在内的品牌,他表示,他“很高兴成为了老一套模式的牺牲品。”The former banker moved to Hong Kong in 1996 but was struck by the absence of European-style boutiques as opposed to the brash luxury malls that had sprung up across the city. “It was not really planned [but] it is really very easy to start a business here; the initial investment is quite low,” he says.卡斯特尔之前是一位人士,1996年移居香港,他注意到,尽管香港的豪华商厦拔地而起,但缺少欧洲风格的精品店。他表示:“实际上我没有什么计划(但)在这里创业确实非常容易,初始投资非常低。”The chain, named Kapok, was founded in 2006 and targets Hong Kong’s young, affluent and style-conscious crowd. There are now thirteen stores across Singapore, Tokyo and Taipei with half of them in Hong Kong.他经营的连锁店名为Kapok,创建于2006年,瞄准香港那些年轻富有且关注格调的人群。如今,他在新加坡、东京和台北等地开设了13家店面,其中有一半位于香港。The designer clothing and quirky jewellery are especially popular with Japanese tourists and, increasingly, those from mainland China who come to Hong Kong to shop.设计师装以及新奇古怪的珠宝特别受日本游客的欢迎,而且越来越受到来香港扫货的中国内地游客的欢迎。“We focus on really small, really emerging brands,” Mr Castel says. “People are looking for something a bit different.”“我们关注的是非常小、非常新的品牌,”卡斯特尔表示,“人们在寻找一些有点不同的东西。”For a new generation of Asian Francophiles seduced by the fantasy of la vie Fran#231;aise, that something different often means seeking a dash of French style. “The expatriate community is acting as an opinion leader,” Mr. Rendall says. “People from every walk of life come to Hong Kong, and we’ve reached cultural and critical mass.”对于被法国生活吸引、憧憬法国的新一代亚洲人而言,与众不同通常意味着寻求一抹法国风格。“这些在香港的外籍群体正成为舆论领袖,”伦德尔表示,“各行各业的人们来到香港,我们实现了文化的大融合。” /201412/350217

  PASADENA, Md. — Mucking around with sand and water. Playing Candy Land or Chutes and Ladders. Cooking pretend meals in a child-size kitchen. Dancing on the rug, building with blocks and painting on easels.马里兰州帕萨迪纳——在沙盘和水盘旁玩耍;玩《糖果大陆》(Candy Land)或《滑梯与梯子》(Chutes and Ladders)等桌上游戏;在儿童规格的厨房里玩过家家;在地毯上跳舞;堆积木并在画架上作画。Call it Kindergarten 2.0.就把它称作“幼儿园2.0”吧。Concerned that kindergarten has become overly academic in recent years, this suburban school district south of Baltimore is introducing a new curriculum in the fall for 5-year-olds. Chief among its features is a most old-fashioned concept: play.由于担心幼儿园在近几年过于侧重于教学,巴尔的以南城郊的这个学区在秋季为五岁学童引进了新课程。这个课程的特色则受到一个古老概念主导:玩耍。“I feel like we have been driving the car in the wrong direction for a long time,” said Carolyn Pillow, who has taught kindergarten for 15 years and attended a training session here on the new curriculum last month. “We can’t forget about the basics of what these kids need, which is movement and opportunities to play and explore.”“我觉得我们长久以来,把车开往了错误的方向,”在幼儿园教学长达15年的卡洛琳·皮洛(Carolyn Pillow)说。“我们不能忘记孩童所需的基础,那就是玩乐和探索的活动和机会。”皮洛上个月参加了为新课程开办的培训班。As American classrooms have focused on raising test scores in math and ing, an outgrowth of the federal No Child Left Behind law and interpretations of the new Common Core standards, even the youngest students have been affected, with more formal lessons and less time in sandboxes. But these days, states like Vermont, Minnesota and Washington are again embracing play as a bedrock of kindergarten.由于联邦政府《不让孩子掉队》法案(No Child Left Behind)的影响,以及对“共同核心”(Common Core)标准的解读,美国教学着重于提升数学与阅读分数,这让最年幼的学童也受到了影响,要上更多正式的课程,减少在沙坑玩耍的时间。但近来,佛蒙特州、明尼苏达州与华盛顿州等地,再次接纳玩耍,视其为幼儿园的基石。Like Anne Arundel County here, Washington and Minnesota are beginning to train teachers around the state on the importance of so-called purposeful play — when teachers subtly guide children to learning goals through games, art and general fun. Vermont is rolling out new recommendations for kindergarten through third grade that underscore the importance of play. And North Carolina is encouraging teachers to evaluate paintings, scribbles or block-building sessions, instead of giving quizzes, in assessing the ing, math and social skills of kindergartners.如同安妮阿伦德尔县这样,华盛顿州和明尼苏达州开始培训州内的教师,让他们了解所谓“目的性玩耍”的重要性:教师悉心引导学童借由游戏、艺术与一般的乐趣达成学习目标。佛蒙特州则推出新的教学建议,对幼儿园到三年级的学童强调了玩乐的重要性。北卡罗莱纳州则鼓励教师评比学童的画作、涂鸦与积木作品,而不是进行小测验,考察阅读、数学与社交技能。But educators in low-income districts say a balance is critical. They warn that unlike students from affluent families, poorer children may not learn the basics of ing and math at home and may fall behind if play dominates so much that academics wither.但是低收入地区的教育人士认为,如何平衡才是关键。他们告诫说,较贫穷的学童不是富裕家庭出身,可能无法在家里学到阅读与数学的基础,因此若让玩乐主导教学,这些学生的学术能力就会萎缩。“Middle-class parents are doing this anyway, so if we don’t do it for kids who are not getting it at home, then they are going to start at an even greater disadvantage,” said Deborah Stipek, the dean of the Graduate School of Education at Stanford.“中产阶级家长无论如何都会这样做。因此,如果我们不让学童获得家里无法得到的东西,他们在起跑线上就会更加处于劣势,”斯坦福大学教育学院院长黛拉·斯蒂佩克(Deborah Stipek)表示。Across the country, many schools in recent years have curtailed physical and art education in favor of longer blocks for ing and math instruction to help improve test scores. The harder work even began in kindergarten.近年来在美国各地,有许多学校缩短体育与艺术教育课程,并拉长阅读和数学的教学,从而帮助提升考试分数,甚至从幼儿园就开始致力于此。Most recently, more than 40 states have adopted the Common Core, standards for ing and math that in many cases are much more difficult than previous guidelines. In some school districts, 5-year-olds are doing what first or even second graders once did, and former kindergarten staples like dramatic play areas and water or sand tables have vanished from some classrooms, while worksheets and textbooks have appeared.最近也有超过四十个州采纳了共同核心标准,这套标准对阅读和数学的要求,在很多情况下难度都远超先前的准则。有些学区的五岁学童甚至开始学习一年级或二年级的课程内容。过去幼儿园里不可或缺的表演玩耍区、沙盘或水盘已经不复存在,取而代之的是练习册和课本。A study comparing federal government surveys of kindergarten teachers in 1998 and 2010 by researchers at the University of Virginia found that the proportion of teachers who said their students had daily art and music dropped drastically. Those who reported teaching spelling, the writing of complete sentences and basic math equations every day jumped.弗吉尼亚大学(University of Virginia)的研究者比较了联邦政府在1998年与2010年对幼儿园教师的调查,发现让学生每日进行艺术与音乐学习的教师比例大幅降低。而每日进行拼字、完整文句写作与基本算术的比例则大幅提高。The changes took place in classrooms with students of all demographic backgrounds, but the study found that schools with higher proportions of low-income students, as well as schools with large concentrations of nonwhite children, were even more likely to cut back on play, art and music while increasing the use of textbooks.出现这些变化的教室里,各种背景的学生都有。但该研究发现,低收入家庭学生比例更高的学校,以及非白人孩子大量集中的学校,更有可能在减少玩耍、美术和音乐时间的同时,增加课本的使用量。Experts, though, never really supported the expulsion of playtime.但专家从来没真正持过挤压玩耍的时间。Using play to develop academic knowledge — as well as social skills — in young children is the backbone of alternative educational philosophies like those of Maria Montessori or Reggio Emilia. And many veteran kindergarten teachers, as well as most academic researchers, say they have long known that children learn best when they are allowed ample time to go shopping at a pretend grocery store or figure out how to build bridges with wooden blocks. Even the Common Core standards state that play is a “valuable activity.”用玩耍来开发幼儿的学业知识和社交技巧,一直是替代性教育理念的基础,如玛丽亚·蒙特梭利(Maria Montessori)和雷焦·埃米莉亚(Reggio Emilia)的理念。很多资深的幼儿园老师,以及大部分学术研究人员均表示,他们早就知道,允许孩子用大量时间去模拟的食杂店买东西,或是利用积木弄明白如何搭建桥梁时,他们的学习效果是最好的。就连共同核心标准也阐明,玩耍是一种“宝贵的活动”。But educators point out that children are also capable of absorbing sophisticated academic concepts.但教育工作者指出,孩子也能有吸收复杂学术概念的能力。“People think if you do one thing you can’t do the other,” said Nell Duke, a professor of education at the University of Michigan. “It really is a false dichotomy.”“人们以为不能一心二用,”密歇根大学(University of Michigan)的教育学教授内尔·杜克(Nell Duke)说。“这是一种误解。”M. Manuela Fonseca, the early-education coordinator for Vermont, said her state was trying to emphasize the learning value of play in its new guidelines.佛蒙特州早期教育协调员M·曼纽拉·丰塞卡(M. Manuela Fonseca)说,她所任职的州正努力在其新制定的指导方针中,强调玩耍的学习价值。“Before we had the water table because it was fun and kids liked it,” she said. “Now we have the water table so kids can explore how water moves and actually explore scientific ideas.”“以前我们配水盘是因为它好玩,孩子们也喜欢,”她说。“现在我们配水盘,则是让孩子们能够探究水是如何流动的,实际上就是探索科学思想。”Still, teachers like Therese Iwancio, who works at Cecil Elementary School in Baltimore’s Greenmount neighborhood, where the vast majority of children come from low-income families, say their students benefit from explicit academic instruction. She does not have a sand table, play kitchen or easel in the room.然而,像特蕾泽·伊万乔(Therese Iwancio)这样的老师表示,他们的学生会从明确的学业指导中受益。她在巴尔的格林芒特社区的塞西尔小学(Cecil Elementary School)任教,那里绝大部分孩子来自低收入家庭。她的教室里没有沙盘和玩具厨房,也没有画架。“I have never had a child say to me, ‘I just want to play,’ ” said Ms. Iwancio, who has taught for two decades.“我从来没遇到哪个孩子对我说,‘我只想玩’,”已有20年教龄的她说。On a recent morning, she asked children to aloud from a simple book. On the wall hung a schedule for the day, with virtually every minute packed with goals like “I will learn sight words” or “I will learn to compose and decompose teen numbers.”前不久的一天早上,她让孩子们大声朗读一本简单的课本。墙上贴着当天的安排,几乎每一分钟都填满了诸如“我要学习常见字”或“我要学习组合和分拆十三到十九之间的数字”这样的目标。Jayla Stephens, 6, said she liked school because “you get to do a lot of work and you will get better.”六岁的杰拉·斯蒂芬斯(Jayla Stephens)说她喜欢上学,因为“你要做很多事情,而且会变得更好。”In neighboring, more affluent Anne Arundel County, 321 kindergarten teachers last month attended training sessions on the new curriculum. Required each day: 25 minutes of recess, 20 minutes of movement, 25 minutes in play centers. The district is buying sand or water tables, blocks, play kitchens, easels and art supplies for every classroom that does not have them.上月,在邻近的更富裕的安妮阿伦德尔县,321名幼儿园老师参加了针对新课程的培训。每天的要求是:25分钟休息时间、20分钟运动时间以及25分钟玩耍时间。该学区正在为没有配备相关用品的教室购买沙盘或水盘、积木、玩具厨房、画架和美术用品。Teachers were given tips on how to be more creative in academic lessons, too, like tossing a ball printed with different numbers to teach math.对于如何在正式的教学中更有创造力,老师们也得到了指点,比如在球上印上数字,用抛球的方式来教数学。“We don’t think that rigor negates fun and play,” said Patricia J. Saynuk, the coordinator of early-childhood education.“我们认为,严谨和乐趣、玩耍并不矛盾,”儿童早期教育协调员帕特里夏·J·塞伊努克(Patricia J. Saynuk)说。Traci Burns, who has taught kindergarten for the last five years at Annapolis Elementary School, said she was looking forward to retrieving previously banished easels.过去五年一直在安纳波利斯小学(Annapolis Elementary School)教幼儿园的特拉奇·伯恩斯(Traci Burns)说,她盼望着拿回以前被收走的画架。“With the Common Core, this has been pushed and pushed and pushed that kids should be ing, sitting and listening,” she said. “Five-year-olds need to play and color. They need to go out and sing songs.”“共同核心标准影响下,我们不断不断地强调孩子要看书、坐好、听老师讲,”她说。“五岁大的孩子需要玩耍和画画。他们需要出去唱歌。”At Hilltop Elementary, a racially and economically diverse school in Glen Burnie, Melissa Maenner said she had found that teaching kindergartners too many straightforward academic lessons tended to flop.在格伦伯尼的希尔托普小学(Hilltop Elementary),族裔和经济背景均比较多元。梅利莎·门纳(Melissa Maenner)说,她发现给幼儿园里的孩子上太多完全和学业有关的课往往会搞砸。“They are 5,” Ms. Maenner said. “Their attention span is about five minutes.”“他们只有五岁,”门纳说。“集中注意力的时间只有大约五分钟。” /201506/380283

  

  Do you object to sports teams being named after your ancestors?你反对你祖先被运动队的命名吗?Heck, no.当然不,见鬼。Conahonty’s honored!这是Conahonty的荣幸。Why is that?那是为什么?Conahonty’s ancestors all red-skinned braves from Cleveland.conahonty的祖先都来自克利夫兰的勇士。 /201505/375860。

  Maca玛咖 In the Genesis of Dongba scripture, human beings are said to be punished by Nature with deluge swallowing almost everything on earth. Only one man, for the mercy of god, is survived. Being forlorn, he enquires the god of Dongba what should he do to reproduce and is indicated to marry the goddess. Before descending to earth, the couple ties the knot in front of the god and is endowed scores of corps as wedding gift. There are, however, two things that are disallowed to carry with, one of which is “Root of Heaven” and in Naxi Dialect named “Maca”, a kind of plant intended for god. Although aware of the warning given by god, the goddess steals the plant and brings it to earth for it has an anti-aging effect. When the god of Dongba discovers it several years later, he is black as thunder. To penalize her misconduct, he casts a spell on the plant, which translates it into turnip, a common plant stripped of the magical effect.东巴经里“创世纪”一篇中就提到,人类被自然惩罚,洪水滔天,人类的一个祖先存活下来。他出来后问东巴神“我要繁衍人类,该怎么办?”东巴神指示他去娶天女。两人准备下凡,天神赏赐给了夫妻两人许多农作物,但是有两种东西没有给他们。其中一个叫“天根”,在纳西话里叫“玛咖”,这是天神吃的东西。之后天女把它的种子釆下带到了凡间种植。若干年后天神知道了大为震怒,便施了一个法术,把“天根”变成了如今农家种的“蔓菁”。 /201506/378352

  

  To give someone the moon door means to break up with somebody. Alternatively, it means to fire somebody from a job。把某人推出月亮门指与某人分手,也可以指,把某人炒鱿鱼。Basically, the word describes any situation in which someone#39;s position or status is completely stripped away from them in one fell swoop。这个表达的基本意思就是,一下子就把某人的身份或地位完全剥夺。This phrase derives from the book and TV series, Game of Thrones, in which there is a castle on a high mountain with a hatch built into the floor. This hatch is called the ;Moon Door.; When opened, the Moon Door releases people into mid air, so that they fall directly to the floor of the Vale far below。这个表达来源于热门小说及改编电视剧《权力的游戏》,里面有个城堡建在高山上,而城堡的地面上有个可以打开的出口,这个出口就叫“月亮门”。这个月亮门一旦被打开,站在上面的人就会跌落到下面的深谷中。 /201506/382585

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